History of President Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi
Early Life and Entry into Politics
Daniel Toroitich arap Moi was born on 2 September 1924, in Sacho, Baringo County. He served as the second president of Kenya for 24 years from 1978 after the death of President Mzee Jomo Kenyatta to 2002. Prior to 1978, he served as the third Vice President of Kenya from 1967 to 1978.
Moi’s father, Kimoi arap Chebii, died in 1928. Moi was only four then and little is known about his mother, Kabon. His elder brother, Tuitoek, became his guardian. He was one of the herdsboys from Sacho location recommended to join the new Africa Inland Mission (AIM) School at Kabartonjo in 1934 before it was shifted to Kapsabet. After completing his secondary education at Kapsabet High School, he attended Tambach Teachers Training College in the Keiyo District. He worked as a teacher from 1946 until 1955.
In 1955 Moi entered politics when he was elected Member of the Legislative Council for Rift Valley. In 1960 he founded the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) with Ronald Ngala to challenge the Kenya African National Union (KANU) led by Jomo Kenyatta. In 1957 Moi was re-elected Member of the Legislative Council for Rift Valley. He became Minister of Education in the pre-independence government of 1960–1961.
Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi – Marriage Life
Daniel arap Moi married Lena Moi (born Helena Bommet) in 1950. In the 1960s and early 1970s, Lena Tungo Moi strode Kenya’s political scene with her visibility as the vice-president’s wife. Then in the middle of the 1970s, she faded away from the public arena never to be heard of again until her death in 2004. Their marriage collapsed in 1974 and they divorced in 1979. Daniel arap Moi has eight children, five sons and three daughters.
Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi – Vice-presidency
After Kenya’s independence on 12 December 1963, Kenyatta persuaded Moi that KADU and KANU should be merged to complete the process of decolonisation. In 1964, KADU dissolved and joined KANU. KANU’s dominance was challenged by the Kenya People’s Union, starting in 1966. However, the party was banned in 1969, making Kenya a one-party state. With kenyatta eyeing the fertile lands of the rift valley populated by members of Moi’s Kalenjin tribe, Kenyatta secured their support by first promoting Moi to Minister for Home Affairs in 1964, and then to vice-president in 1967.
Moi was elected to the Kenyan parliament in 1963 from Baringo North. Since 1966 until his retirement in 2002 he served as the Baringo Central MP and only served as a vice-president until 1978 when he became the president after the death of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta.
Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi – Presidency
Moi became president in 1978 following the death of Jomo Kenyatta. He quickly consolidated his power, banning opposition parties and promoting his Kalenjin countrymen to positions of authority at the expense of the Kikuyu. He also curried favour with the army, which proved loyal to him in suppressing a coup attempt in 1982. His continuation of Kenyatta’s pro-Western policies ensured significant sums of development aid during the Cold War (1947–91), and under Moi’s stewardship Kenya emerged as one of the most prosperous African nations.
In the early 1990s, however, Western countries began to demand political and economic reforms, leading Moi to legalize opposition parties in 1991. The following year he won the country’s first multiparty elections amid charges of electoral fraud. Riots and demonstrations marred the 1997 elections, and hundreds of Kenyans, mainly Kikuyu, were killed. Easily elected to his fifth term as president, Moi promised to end government corruption and implement democratic and economic reforms. In an effort to combat corruption, in 1999 he appointed Richard Leakey, the popular and respected anthropologist, the head of the civil service and permanent secretary to the cabinet, a position Leakey retired from in 2001.
Required by the constitution to resign in 2003, Moi backed Uhuru Kenyatta, son of Jomo Kenyatta, as the KANU candidate in the 2002 elections, but many feared that Kenyatta would be a puppet for Moi. KANU split in two, with dissidents joining the National Rainbow Coalition, whose candidate, Mwai Kibaki, succeeded Moi in December 2002.
President Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi’s Achievements and Failures
President Moi picked 47-year old Finance Minister Mwai Kibaki as his Vice – President. Moi had been acting President since August 22 when Mzee Kenyatta died. He promised to follow the footsteps of his predecessor. Thus ‘nyayo’ — footsteps — became the rallying call for the next 24 years.
Moi’s era coincided with a global economic downturn following the 1979 oil crisis and the end of a coffee boom for Kenyan producers in the global market.
He had obviously started his presidency under adverse circumstances. Here are some of the challenges and achievements realized by Kenya’s second president during his 24-year reign:
Opening of the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA)
The opening of the new Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) on December 8, 1978 marked one of the early achievements of President Moi. The new £30 million (Kshs3.6 billion) circular complex funded by the World Bank and the government was going to attract international airlines. Initially known as Nairobi Airport, it had been on the drawing board since 1972 and was to cater for an increasing number of visitors who were stretching the facilities at Embakasi and Wilson airports. It was to cater for more than 30 airlines and more than 344,000 tourists yearly.
Described as the greatest asset for Kenya’s tourism industry, the airport had a parking capacity for 10 Boeing 747s or 13 Boeing 707s. A unit set aside for domestic services was also constructed to ease the pressure at Wilson Airport. In his speech, Moi stressed the importance of the aviation industry to Kenya in promoting the development of tourism, agriculture, commerce and industry.
Overcoming the 1978 oil crisis
The revolution in Iran in 1977 and Israel’s invasion of South Lebanon in 1978 triggered a global oil crisis. Kenyans reeled under the inﬂuence of increased oil prices throughout 1979 and this became one of the main challenges that faced President Moi’s government, which warned of fuel rationing.
Previously, Iran provided 25 per cent of Kenya’s oil needs via the refinery at Mombasa, but had stopped deliveries provoking shortages across the world and strengthening the hand of the already formidably powerful OPEC.
The first industry to be sorely hit by the oil crisis was tourism after the Abadan Refinery in Iran closed down. This refinery provided Kenya and many other countries with Avgas 100 LL, a special fuel made by few refineries and used by small aircraft.
Finance minister Mwai Kibaki also announced an increase in oil prices and put a stop to spending on almost everything but locally grown food. To survive this crisis, the Moi government announced a 50 per cent increase in sales tax, the price of fuel, beer, cigarettes, spirits, road licenses and trade licenses. This led to a sharp increase in the cost of living, with shortages of bread, meat and sugar.
The good news was that Kenya had a six-month stock—pile of oil and it was well shielded but things would worsen in the following year.
Expansion of health facilities
One of President Moi’s pet projects in the 1980s was the expansion of hospitals, with the massive construction of Nyayo Wards in most district hospitals. While health financing and expenditure became one of the challenges, Moi managed to call for harambees to aid in the construction of these facilities to supplement government contribution.
The building of Moi Referral Hospital also helped to ease pressure on Kenyatta National Hospital which was the sole referral hospital in Kenya. It served hospitals in the western Kenya region from Kapenguria, Kitale, Nandi Hills, Kapsowat, Kapsabet, Tambach, and Memorial Hospital, and as the provincial facility for the neighbouring districts of Kakamega, Trans—Nzoia, Elgeyo-Marakwet and Nandi district.
In many hospitals some new laboratories and radiology units were constructed among other amenities. But these faced major challenges as the economy collapsed and the health care sector got underfunded. The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund also forced Moi to abandon subsidizing of the health sector leading to cost sharing in public hospitals.
The Ngoroko saga
Reports that a section of the Well – trained Nakuru Anti – Stock Theft Unit was a “hit-squad”, formed to eliminate senior government ﬁgures caused political panic in the country. Attorney – General Charles Njonjo had said in Parliament that the unit had been “trained for the purpose of assassinating some Kenyan leaders after the death of President Kenyatta”. Those allegedly targeted for assassination included Moi, Kibaki and Njonjo. The elite unit was set up in the early 1970s and was well – equipped with range of equipment including scuba diving kits.
The announcement saw senior police officers including senior assistant Commissioner of Police James Erastus Mungai go into exile via Juba, Sudan.
The Permanent Secretary in the Ofﬁce of the President, Mr. Geof Kariithi said in the reports that “people” were paying the highly trained “Ngoroko” to act as hit squads.
But from exile, Mungai Wrote to Police Commissioner Ben Gethi am PS Kariithi requesting them to plead with Moi and Njonjo to allow him to return home. The Ngoroko saga had threatened to divide the nation, causing the Office of the President to announce that the country was safe after a crackdown of the perceived members.
The Palestinian question had dominated the I970s with a string of bombings, plane hijackings and kidnapping. Thus when an Israeli plane was hijacked ir1 1976 and diverted to Entebbe Airport, Uganda and Kenya agreed to assist Tel Aviv with landing rights for the rescue mission. Through this action, Kenya had exposed itself to terrorist attacks. Moi took power with this looming threat hanging on Kenya and when a powerful explosion ripped through Nairobi’s Norfolk Hotel on the New Year’s Eve of 1980, leaving at least 13 dead and almost 100 badly injured. This confirmed Kenya’s worst fears: the country was a soft target by terrorists.
The 1970s hijackings and bombings had been perpetrated by Palestinian sympathizers targeting Israel and its allies. The Norfolk hotel was owned by the Block family which had Jewish ancestry. The terrorist responsible for the attack was later identified by the police and Interpol as Quddura Mohammad Abd—el—Hamid, who was travelling using a Maltese passport. By the time the bomb exploded, he had already left Kenya aboard a 2.30pm Kenya Airways ﬂight bound for Jeddah via Khartoum. Kenya was to later face the wrath of international terrorism in 1998 when Osama bin Laden’s al Qaeda group bombed the US Embassy in Nairobi killing hundreds of people. The date of the bombings marked the eighth anniversary of the arrival of American forces in Saudi Arabia. The explosion damaged the embassy building and ﬂattened the neighbouring Ufundi Building where most victims were killed, mainly students and staff of a secretarial college housed there. .
On 28 November, 2002 there was missile attack on an Israel Plane after takeoff from Mombasa airport, followed by an attack on Kikambala Hotel during the receiving of Israeli tourists. This was only a month after Moi left power and it is true that tackling international terrorism had become one of the trickiest security issues for the Moi regime.
The 1982 coup attempt The August 1, 1982 coup attempt was one of the major political tests that faced President Moi four years into his leadership. On that day, Kenyans had woken up to ﬁnd the Government overthrown and anarchy on the streets of Nairobi.
Before a curfew was declared in both Nairobi and Nanyuki, the epicentres of the anarchy, the Air Force rebels had taken over several installations, including the State broadcasting station, Voice of Kenya — from where they announced that a new government was now in power —, the control tower at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, the General Post Office, Wilson Airport, VOK’s Langata transmitting station and Kenextel. That Sunday afternoon, a shaken Moi addressed the country at 5.47pm. The damage to the economy brought by the ensuing looting of shops and businesses in Nairobi was estimated at Kshs1.2 billion. The damage to the country’s reputation was more. The coup marked the beginning of a new Kenya. A previous 5.5 per cent rise in economic growth could not be sustained. It dropped to a 3.3 per cent growth in 1982.
It was also a watershed because it sparked off the withdrawal of government support for African businessmen under the Africanisation policy. The government and parastatals withdrew funds from African—owned private banks, many of them owned by people who had prospered in the Kenyatta era. Consequently, such banks collapsed in the 1984 to 1986 banking crisis.
University programs were paralyzed after University of Nairobi and its campuses were closed. The students had participated in a pro-rebels’ parade and looting. Police conﬁscated 200 tons of suspected loot, much of it from Nairobi University and Eastleigh, two of the first areas inﬁltrated by rebels. The coup attempt happened as Moi was due in Tripoli to hand over chairmanship of the Organization of African Unity (OAU).
But this particular episode marked the turning point of Moi’s leadership. It hardened him as a politician and became more pro-active. He made changes to the security docket and disbanded the KAF on August 21. Army Deputy Commander Mahmoud Mohamed, who led the suppression of the coup, was appointed to set up and command a new Air Force which was named Moi 82 Air Force. The previous KAF commander, Major-General Peter Mwagiru Kariuki, was court martialed for failing to suppress the coup. The Commissioner of Police Ben Gethi was also relieved of his duties and replaced by Deputy Commissioner Bernard Njiinu.
On the education sector, Moi appointed a committee to inspect and inquire into the university’s organisation, teaching, research and other related activities. Citing “student indiscipline”, the Government introduced a rule in May 1984 requiring all university qualifiers to undergo a pre-university training course at the National Youth Service colleges in Gilgil and Naivasha.
Nairobi University was also split into six colleges in a decentralisation exercise that was meant to keep tabs on the humanities college – thought to be the bedrock of activism. There were attempts to instill the belief in students in other colleges, notably law and engineering that they were special and too busy to engage in activism.
Nationally, the government abolished the Certiﬁcate of Primary Education under the 7-6-3 system and replaced it with the 8-4-4 system.
Security organs pursued the traditional opposition pools in the academia, media and the Bar. Several perceived government opponents was detained without trial, others were harassed, causing many to go into exile. The crackdown of seditious materials intensiﬁed.
Moi announced that the Government would continue to detain all dissidents and explained that the universities would only reopen to students who were not involved in coup disturbances.
But this did not deter government opponents, who maintained their calls for a return to multi-partism and the first general elections involving many parties were held 10 years later in 1992; Kanu and Moi still won.
The economic ramiﬁcations of all these changes were wide as Moi created more ministries. In 1988, the deﬁcit in government expenditure had hit Kshs5 billion and continued to rise as corruption set in.
Transformation of Kanu
Moi transformed a hitherto dull party Kanu into a powerful organ straddling the life of all Kenyans.
In July 1982, Kanu had become the de jure ruling party after Parliament enacted Section 2 (a). The mid-1980s saw a massive Kanu recruitment drive, spurred on by the fact that membership became a de facto prerequisite for many government jobs. Party Secretary-General Moses Mudavadi claimed that “from a few thousand members in 1978, membership has grown to eight million”.
Party discipline also become all-important and the party’s Disciplinary Committee became the most feared organ.
In 1988, Kanu introduced the controversial queue – voting system in the party’s primary elections where members were required to queue behind the candidate of their choice. Anyone receiving more than 70 per cent of the Kanu vote was elected unopposed without having to face a secret ballot of the constituency. Cabinet members acclaimed the new voting system as being much more democratic and also economical, since in many cases it did away with the need for expensive elections.
As the Church criticized the queue-voting, Kanu threatened that the Government would curtail freedom of worship if church leaders persisted in criticizing it.
Kanu expelled members who voiced alternative views and thwarted attempts by these politicians to register other political parties.
But the party was forced to abandon this hard line stand by Western donors who held back economic aid to Moi’s government as the push for reforms gained ground. In 1991, Moi was forced to open up the political space and allow the registration of many political parties.
Moi International Airport
The building of Moi International Airport in Eldoret from 1995 to 1997 was a major milestone in the opening up of the Rift Valley and Western Kenya region. Built to help tap the region’s agricultural potential and unlock the economic potential of rich western Kenya tourism circuit, Moi Airport, however, failed to pick with international airlines evading it although it was equipped with modern aviation facilities including computerised air traffic control and radar systems.
Although Eldoret and its environs have the right climate for high value horticultural produce, the down-turn in agriculture did not help either and thus the airport became the conduit for tax cheats.
In 2003, the airport was closed down to streamline its management after reports emerged that the government was losing revenue from untaxed cargo at the port.
The government appointed a team to study the economic potential of the airport. It recommended the participation of the private sector in the construction of cold and dry cargo storage facility. In total, the airport can handle in excess of 1.2 million tonnes of cargo annually.
Turkwell Gorge, other energy projects
The development of Kenya’s energy sector despite the many odds is one of the highlights of Moi’s leadership. While the largest share of Kenya’s electricity supply came from hydroelectric stations at dams along the upper Tana River, the construction of Turkwell Gorge Dam in the west was a new addition.
The state-owned Kenya Electricity Generating Company (KenGen) was also established in 1997 to handle the generation of electricity, with the Kenya Power and Lighting Company (KPLC) handling the distribution. The two companies later sold some of their shares to the public.
Some of the major challenges that faced Moi’s government were energy shortfalls and droughts that prompted severe power rationing. With limited donor funding, the development of the geothermal sites in Olkaria and a new power station in Sondu Miriu dragged on for years.
But overall, the Turkwell Gorge Dam is one of the success cases on hydropower development during Moi’s years. Located on the border between Turkana, West Pokot and Pokot North Districts, the Turkwell Gorge Dam was constructed on the Turkwell River between 1986 and 1991 by the Kerio Valley Development Authority to not only generate power but for agricultural, fisheries and tourism development of the region. The dam’s power station has the capacity of producing 106MW ~ meeting about 10 per cent of the nation’s power supply. It is estimated that at full capacity this dam can produce 15 per cent of the country’s electricity needs helped by the narrow gorge which creates a strong force as the water falls to the valley below.
Constructed by a French company Spie-Batignolles, Turkwell Dam is valued at more than Kshs8 billion. The main features of dam include: two 53.7MW Turbines, a 220KV power sub-station and a 150-metre high arch concrete dam.
As a result of this reservoir, two other projects have been started in the area. One of them is the Turkwell Gorge Multi-Purpose Project, and the Suam River Conservation and Rehabilitation which has a special project for fodder development. The reservoir can hold 15 billion cubic metres of Water.
Free school milk programme
This was one of the major educational policies enacted by Moi government in 1979 besides the 8-4-4 system. Kenya was the first African country to launch such a project and nearly four million pupils in primary schools beneﬁted annually from the programme which ran until 1998.
The school project led to an increase in school attendance, especially in remote areas, although it consumed some 20 per cent of the education budget. Also, it led to an increase in milk output as it increased the demand for milk countrywide. During the 1979/ 80 ﬁnancial year, the Government had set aside Kshs169 million for the project and KCC ofﬁcials – and members – saw a new boom. During the 1987/ 88 ﬁnancial year, the Government set aside Kshs600 million, but this dropped so drastically that at the dawn of multiparty politics that the project only received Kshs20 million during the 1998/99 ﬁnancial year.
By this time KCC was on its knees and some of the milk delivered had not been paid for and a huge debt threatened to liquidate the entire enterprise.
Focus on Rural Development
One of the highlights of Moi leadership was the 1986 Sessional Paper No 1 District Focus for Rural Development. The goal of this Sessional paper was to equitably develop the country and what is today known as Devolution of resources.
The idea then was to make the 41 districts become autonomous and decide which development projects should be carried out in their regions. The Development Committees were chaired by the District Commissioners and it lead to various projects at the rural areas with funding coming from bilateral donors mainly UK and US Governments. Most of the districts built their own administrative headquarters during this period.
University education expansion
The expansion of university education has been tremendous since 1970 when Kenyatta College became a constituent College of the University of Nairobi to become Kenyatta University College. But it was during the Moi era that the university education sector grew. On October l, 1984, Kenya opened its second university in Eldoret and admitted its ﬁrst class of students for a forestry course transferred from the University of Nairobi. The University established new constituents that included Egerton Agricultural College (now Egerton University).
In August 1985, Kenyatta University College was elevated into a university after parliament passed the Kenyatta University Act thus becoming Kenya’s third fully-ﬂedged public University. A mid-level Jomo Kenyatta College of Agriculture and Technology (JKUAT) which had been established in early 1978 also became a constituent College of Kenyatta University in September 1988 before becoming a full-fledged university on December 7, 1994.
Other universities established included Maseno University (formerly Siriba Teachers College), and Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology which was previously known as Western College of Arts and Applied Sciences. With this pace, the University education sector boomed and new private universities such Daystar University, Methodist University and Moi’s own Kabarak University were established, joining USIU which was established in 1970s. Today, Kenya has more than 60 universities and various public university colleges.
Revival of the East African Community
Moi took over power a year after the collapse of the original East African Community. Tanzania had also closed its border with Kenya.
Eager to develop the regional market, Moi reached out to President Julius Nyerere and Uganda’s new President Godfrey Binaisa in January 1980. It was the ﬁrst time in 10 years that the presidents of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania met.
Relations between the three states had been strained leading to border closures and restrictions on airspace. Uganda and Tanzania had also gone to War with Nyerere overthrowing President Amin.
More talks followed later on and Moi was instrumental in the subsequent signing of the Agreement for the Establishment of the Permanent Tripartite Commission for East African Cooperation on November 30, 1993. Full East African Cooperation efforts began on March 14, 1996 when the Secretariat of the Permanent Tripartite Commission was launched at the Headquarters of the EAC in Arusha, Tanzania.
At a later Summit in Arusha on 29 April 1997, the process of upgrading the Agreement establishing the Permanent Tripartite Commission for East African Cooperation into a Treaty started. The East African passport was officially launched on April 1, 1999 and in July 1999 the new East African Community was born. President Moi suggested that the countries of the region might even form a political federation and suggested in this regard the creation of a regional assembly with limited powers.
One of the Moi’s achievements in the tourism sector was the establishment of the Kenya Tourist Board (KTB) in 1997 to promote and market Kenya as a tourist destination locally and internationally. Tourism had exhibited steady growth in most years since independence and by the late 1980s it had become the country’s principal source of foreign exchange.
A large number of tourists came from Germany and Britain and were attracted mainly to the coastal beaches and the game reserves and national parks. But tourism also faced negative coverage due to security problems and KTB was mandated to reverse the negative publicity. Other steps undertaken by Moi included the establishing of tourist police unit and launching marketing campaigns in key tourist origin markets.
Other measures included the stemming of poaching in the parks and the establishment of Kenya Wildlife Service in 1990 to conserve and manage Kenya’s Wildlife. The agency today manages about eight per cent of the total landmass of the country, which contains 22 national parks, 28 national reserves and five national sanctuaries. Also under KWS management are four marine national parks and six marine national reserves at the Coast. Today, due to these efforts, the tourism industry accounts for 21 per cent of total foreign exchange earnings and 12 per cent of GDP. KWS accounts for 90 per cent of safari tourism and about 75 per cent of total tourist earnings.
Kenya Revenue Authority
The formation of the Kenya Revenue Authority in July 1995 marked a significant development in the collection of taxes and duties in Kenya.
KRA today collects a number of taxes and duties, including value added tax (VAT), income tax and customs duty. Since its inception, revenue collection has increased dramatically, enabling the government to provide much needed services.
Established by an Act of Parliament (Chapter 469 of the laws of Kenya), the authority is managed by a board of directors, consisting of both public and private sector experts and is headed by the Commissioner General.
KRA’s role in the economy includes enforcing written laws, collecting and accounting for all revenues and enhancing efficiency and effectiveness of tax administration by simplifying and streamlining procedures.
Moi and global peace
Moi’s Pan African role in peace-keeping started in 1979 when he allowed Kenyan soldiers to join the Commonwealth Monitoring Force in Zimbabwe (CMFZ) until 1980.
This was to ensure smooth transition to Independence. In June 1981 after Moi was elected the chairman of the Organisation of African Unity at the summit in Nairobi, he was involved in securing peace in Chad as the crisis pitting President Goukouni Wedeye and rebel leader Hissen Habre took a dangerous twist.
Kenya participated in the Chad missions between 1981 and 1982 and more than 20 other operations in Africa, Asia and Europe. Kenya was involved in UN observer missions in Mozambique, Angola, and Liberia among others.
But it was the Sudan and Somalia peace efforts that were most notable. In Sudan, Moi managed to chair the talks that ﬁnally led to the referendum that ended the war in South Sudan and creation of a new Nation. In Somalia, he started the long and tortuous discussion that culminated in setting up of the current government.
Since independence, state-supported agricultural institutions became a feature of the Kenyan agricultural scene. While the aim of these institutions was to support growth and their contribution to the Kenyan economy, they started facing a myriad of problems during the Moi regime.
Moi ﬁrst transformed the Kenya Farmers Association into Kenya Grain Growers Cooperative Union (KGGCU).
One of the most prominent state agricultural organisations, the National Cereals and Produce Board (NCPB), Whose main mandate was to purchase surplus maize after harvest and store it for sale to millers or other traders when prices in major urban centres rose became an avenue to rake in millions of shillings for the political elite.
When it Was at its peak, NCPB had during the 1978-82 drought managed to supply food to consumers in drought—stricken areas and major urban centres. Another major poser was in the dairy sector where the giant Kenya Cooperative Creameries (KCC) started grappling with political problems. After coming to power, President Moi had announced a free primary school milk programme which was a major boom for milk producers.
During the 1979/ 80 ﬁnancial year, the Government had set asideKshs169 million for the project, while in the 1987/88 financial year some Kshs600 million was ear-marked for this programme.
KCC officials claim that this project brought down the company since most of the milk delivered was not paid for and the ensuing debts with Kenya Commercial Bank threatened to liquidate the entire enterprise
In 2000, KCC was sold to individuals at a time when the industry was being liberalised. And that is how the company lost its place as the number one milk producer.
Others which faced similar fate and collapsed during the Moi leadership included the Uplands Bacon Factory, the Kenya Meat Commission and many coffee cooperative societies.
But to Moi’s credit was the establishment of Kenya Agricultural Research Institute (KARI) in 1979 to carry out research in agriculture and veterinary sciences. The organisation has today become a leading centre in carrying out relevant research for the farming community.
President M0i’s tenure ended on December 30, 2002 — which also marked the end of Kanu’s 39-year uninterrupted rule – When he handed over to his former VP Mwai Kibaki.
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